By Phuong Nguyen

 

Vietnam’s first-ever confidence vote on the country’s top leaders on June 11 garnered much attention from the international community. But at the same time, a wider and livelier debate about the country’s legislative foundation is taking place in many quarters of Vietnamese society. Topics of discussion revolve around reforms to the state apparatus and the need to be responsive to the people. Ongoing debates about revising the 1992 Constitution and the 2003 Land Law illustrate this dynamism.

When Vietnam’s government sought public input at home and abroad earlier this year on draft constitutional amendments, it received an overwhelming 26 million comments, including from prominent intellectuals and former senior officials. In particular, a group of over 500 intellectuals signed an online petition calling for multi-party elections. That would not have been possible a decade ago.

Vietnam’s leaders did not take the petition well, but they have taken steps to ensure the new constitution captures the ongoing political and economic changes in the country over the past 20 years. For example, the draft constitution removes a provision stipulating the leading role of the state in the national economy, recognizing instead the importance of all economic sectors, including private companies. This is a welcome change that will give renewed confidence to foreign companies operating in Vietnam, as well as to the country’s budding entrepreneurs. The National Assembly is expected to ratify the new constitution in October.

Lawmakers also openly discussed whether to change the country’s official name, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, a somewhat sensitive topic given Vietnam’s divisive history. As the country moves away from a centrally planned economy, many argue that the official name should properly reflect its current path of development. While the majority of lawmakers prefer to leave the name unchanged, the debate shows two important breakthroughs.

First, nearly four decades after the country’s unification, Vietnam has gradually come to terms with its history and is becoming more comfortable addressing historical legacies. Second, the country’s elite is beginning to show great interest in their country’s place and image in the international community. In so doing, they recognize the need to be more pragmatic and put aside ideological thinking when necessary. A Vietnam that is more secure with its own place would be a more effective partner for both the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the United States.

Equally important, 292 of 348 lawmakers voted on June 21 to postpone adoption of the revised Land Law, which is set to take effect in July 2014, giving relevant agencies time to study the legislation further and ensure it reflects the people’s aspirations. Land issues have long been a contentious topic in Vietnam, where 70 percent of complaints filed nationwide against the government and officials are related to land. For this reason, lawmakers have shown concerns about the government’s land seizure and compensation mechanisms, and resettlement assistance for displaced occupants. Eighteen trade and social organizations on June 16 sent an official petition to the National Assembly urging it to delay passage of the Land Law.

While legislators continue to support an expansive role for the state, they have begun to advocate for a greater degree of government responsiveness and accountability to the people. For the government, ensuring that other important debates take place through official channels will only be more critical for the country’s socio-economic stability in coming decades.

As Vietnam seeks to find a way forward against the backdrop of an evolving regional and global economy, it will inevitably face challenges. Vietnamese leaders confront no small task in taking the country to the next level of development. Nonetheless, being able to acknowledge and talk about those challenges in an open and constructive manner is a welcome first step.

Ms. Phuong Nguyen is a research associate with the Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies at CSIS. Read more by this author here.