Indonesia and the Need for Political Stability in Papua

By Blake Day

Jayapura, Papua, Indonesia

Flooding in Jayapura, Papua. The Indonesian government’s struggle to sustain adequate governance in Papua may tarnish its emergence as a key player on the global stage. Source: 710928003’s flickr photostream, used under a creative commons license.

Recent developments in Indonesia’s Papua province bring to the fore continued political instability in the troubled region. These include August protests surrounding use of the Morning Star flag—a symbol of Papuan independence, the September shooting of a 17-year-old during protests that turned violent, and the highly publicized flight of seven asylum seekers to Australia. The latter claim to be victims of surveillance and intimidation by Indonesian security forces because of their cooperation with the West Papua Freedom Flotilla that traveled from Australia to waters of Papua last month.

These developments have proved embarrassing for the Indonesian government, and have highlighted Jakarta’s need to give sustained attention to the situation in Papua. Doing so might not only qualm zealous protestors, but also burnish Indonesia’s image and credibility on the international stage.

One focus of this sustained attention must be implementation of the 2001 Law on Papua Special Autonomy. The law is intended to give Papua “authority in all aspects of governance,” except those that affected the larger Indonesian population. Yet, since its inception, the law has failed to provide real political or economic autonomy to Papuans. Ensuring that it is fully implemented and upheld would require significant political will, but would also go a long way in curbing protests and clashes surrounding the question of Papuan independence.

Military impunity in Papua is another major obstacle to stability. Despite the Indonesian military’s withdrawal from political life, ensuring security force accountability is a work in progress, especially in Papua. As last month’s shooting of a teenage boy underscores, security forces in Papua have a long, ingrained habit of heavy-handedness and impunity. The Indonesian military as a whole has taken steps to address this culture. Most recently, on September 6 several members of the special forces, known as Kopassus, were sentenced to jail time for breaking into a jail and executing four prisoners in Yogyakarta. Such developments are a step forward, but they are uneven and have largely not spread to Papua. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono needs to work with local civilian and military authorities in Papua toward this goal.

The economic sovereignty of Papua must be addressed as well. Papua is more economically sound than many other Indonesian provinces in terms of gross domestic regional product, but Papuans have not been reaping the benefits of that growth. Literacy, infant mortality rates, and other health indicators are the worst in the country, raising serious concerns about revenue-sharing mechanisms and economic corruption in the province. This is another failure of the autonomy law that requires attention from Jakarta and especially from the president himself. Redirecting money back to the people of Papua would help bring living standards in line with the rest of Indonesia, and would negate many of the bread and butter issues that drive Papuan separatism.

These governance failures have caused Papuans to keep fighting for the independence they believe was stolen from them in 1969. They have also brought unwanted attention to an otherwise well-regarded nation. During his remaining time in office, Yudhoyono should pay attention to the situation in Papua. He was lauded for his role in resolving the insurgency in Aceh, and needs to give the same heed to Papua. Sustained focus on providing Papuans with the political and economic sovereignty promised to them more than a decade ago would help seal Yudhoyono’s legacy. It would also let Indonesia shed one of its most chronic sources of embarrassment as it emerges as a global player.

Mr. Blake Day is a researcher with the Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies at CSIS. Follow the Chair on twitter @SoutheastAsiaDC.

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